Showing posts with label NIGERIA. Show all posts
Showing posts with label NIGERIA. Show all posts

Saturday, 22 April 2017

Aba Women's War of 1929: When the British Colonial Masters Shot and Killed 50 Women

Aba Women's War of 1929: When the British Colonial Masters Shot and Killed 50 Women
My daughter’s elective course in History of Africa, where she has involved me, has really spurred my interest in many historical events I knew little or nothing about, or cared not much about. I have recently read quite a lot of materials on some historical events in Nigeria while I prepared for an interview with her over the weekend, regarding her upcoming research paper on “The Imperial British Strategy of Divide and Conquer in Nigeria.” The Aba Women’s War of 1929 really drew my awe. I was so enthused by this story that I couldn’t help writing my own short essay on it. As I researched this monumental 88-year-old event, I was fascinated to learn that women of eastern Nigeria are still inspired by the bravery of their mothers and grandmothers. For instance, women of Ikot Abasi, Akwa Ibom State, reenacted this war on November 18, 1989, to mark its 60th anniversary. I think the Aba Women's War of 1929 against the mighty British, should be an inspiration to every black woman – Nigerian or non-Nigerian. Nobody can stop you when you are determined.

Here is what I found:
The British had difficulty conquering the Igbo people of Southern Nigeria (1). The complicatedness they encountered arose from the fact that, unlike many other parts of what became Nigeria and surrounding countries, the Igbos were independently minded and lacked established central political authorities for the colonial masters to build upon. The Igbos did not have central political or religious figures like the Obas of the West or Emirs of the North that were mainly time-honoured politico-religious positions acquired by inheritance. So, whereas the people of the western and northern parts of Nigeria were already accustomed to yielding to an established authority, the Igbos elected their own chiefs purely on individual merit, where anyone – regardless of lineage, could vie for the position and could also be removed by majority vote (2). In fact, some Igbos resented the only formation that appeared to be a political and economic establishment. It was called the Aro Confederacy, and had been a large, notorious, slave trading network.
The British noticed the anti-Aro sentiments amongst the Igbos, and in the name of liberating them from the confederacy, they launched the Anglo-Aro War of 1901–1902 led by British officers Lt.Col. H.F. Montanaro, Capt. A.T. Jackson, Major A.M.N. Mackenzie, Lt.Col. A. Festing, and Major Heneker. The Aro side was led by Eze (King) Kanu Okoro of Arochukwu, and Okori Torti. Despite easily conquering Aro villages by killing several thousand men, including Eze Okoro himself and some other Aro leaders (against 700-800 casualties on the British side), and burning revered shrines, people's houses, community squares and crops, continual political control over the Igbos remained elusive for the British. So, the British forces began intensive pacification missions to convince the locals of British supremacy and good intentions. But the Igbos soon realized they had been tricked (1). In actual fact, while the Aro Confederacy was complicit in slave dealing, they had challenged the increasing British penetration of the hinterland. They fiercely resisted what they perceived as Whiteman’s infringement and threat on their culture, influence, and sovereignty.
Anti-British sentiments remained strong among the Igbos, and in 1929, an elderly, uneducated Igbo woman – a widow, called Nwanyeruwa, challenged British authority. That was an unprecedented undertaking by any single individual, let alone a woman. Her audacity sparked a short and violent war between women and the highly organised and well-equipped British authorities and their security forces. The war was probably the most shocking major crisis the British experienced during their rule in Nigeria and environs. The war began on November 18, 1929, as a simple dispute, when a census man, named Mark Emereuwa, asked Nwanyeruwa to “count her goats, sheep, and people” (2). Traditionally, women in West Africa were not charged taxes, and they were not required to answer census questions. Nwanyeruwa was very suspicious of the British and concluded she would soon be taxed. Exasperated, she immediately stirred other women from her village and her call for resistance quickly spread to nearby villages. It wasn’t long before the entire region was engulfed by dissent by the women. The British authorities were shocked and chagrined that the women would not give up their resistance and will not be intimidated. Then, war broke loose. Thus, a sudden campaign, initially non-violent, meant to ensure women from the region wouldn’t be taxed, and to protest the oppressive nature of British rule, got progressively heated to the point of the British using their guns on the women (3, 5).
For the two fiery months of November and December of that year, 1929, around 25,000 women, stretching out from Aba to Calabar and Owerri provinces protested the looming taxes and the power of the Warrant Chiefs imposed on them by the unpopular British (4, 5). The women chanted and danced, urging noblemen who collected taxes to resign from their posts. The angry women went on a rampage. They looted European-owned stores. They raided and wrecked the British-owned Barclays Bank. They broke into jailhouses and freed prisoners. The women attacked native courts run by colonial officials and disrupted any on-going proceedings. They even burned some of the buildings to the ground (2). However, the campaign was not without cost. Armed colonial police and some military personnel gunned down at least 50 women, and 50 others were severely wounded (3).
The "Aba Women's War" took two months for the colonial government to suppress and it became a historic example of feminist and anti-colonial protest. To backtrack a little, the riots evolved from January 1, 1914, when the first Nigerian colonial governor, Lord Luggard, instituted the system of indirect rule in Southern Nigeria. Under his plan, British administrators would rule locally, through "Warrant Chiefs", who were essentially local individuals appointed by the British governor to administer the draconian policies of the colonial masters (4). As mentioned earlier, Igbo chiefs had been traditionally elected on their personal merit, but the British authorities abolished their democratic systems and, instead, imposed "Warrant Chiefs" who did the bidding of the colonial masters.
Within a few years, the appointed Warrant Chiefs became increasingly oppressive. They wantonly seized property, imposed overbearing local regulations, and jailed anyone who openly criticized them. These Warrant Chiefs were hated, similar to the hatred American slaves had for Black slave-drivers – called Taskmasters, who were appointed by slave owners to impose or execute harsh or onerous workloads on their fellow Blacks. Although much of the anger was directed against the Warrant Chiefs, most Nigerians knew the source of their power, the British colonial administrators. The attempt to impose special taxes on Igbo women added to the disdain the locals had for them, and bolstered their sense of grievance. These Igbo women were peasant farmers and market women (2). They were already unhappy with the heavy taxes imposed on their husbands and sons. Moreover, the women were responsible for supplying the food they grew to the growing urban populations in Calabar, Owerri, Port Harcourt, and other Nigerian cities. They feared the taxes would drive many of them out of business and seriously disrupt the supply of food and non-perishable goods available to the populace.
The angry Igbo women used the long-established practice of censoring erring men through all-night song and dance, jeering at the men. It was often called "sitting on a man", an ultimate ridicule of a weak or thoughtless man in that culture. The women congregated nightly at the Native Administration centers to protest both the warrant chiefs and the taxes on the market women. By going after the incomes of local women, the colonial masters and their Warrant Chiefs had lost any sense of decency and therefore, any regard the women had for them. So, as far as the women were concerned, these men must be sat upon (4). The women chanted and danced, and in some locations, the Warrant Chiefs were on the run, disappearing before dawn. Men stayed away except for the colonial male security officers who resorted to deadly force after the women would not budge under threat.
The sacrifice of Aba women, especially those that were killed or injured, was not in vain. After the war, the British dropped their tax plans. Their puppets (the Warrant Chiefs) were forced to resign. Moreover, Britain and other colonial powers in the West African region recognised the hitherto underestimated power of women and improved the overall position and rights of women over the regions.
Bibliography
(1) Crowder, Michael. The International Journal of African Historical Studies 20, no. 2 (1987): 325-27. doi:10.2307/219854.
(2) D. C. Dorward, ed., The Igbo "Women's War" of 1929: Documents Relating to the Aba Riots in Eastern Nigeria (Wakefield, England: East Ardsley, 1983);
(3) Judith Van Allen, "Aba Riots" or “Women's War"?: British Ideology and Eastern Nigerian Women's Political Activism (Waltham, MA.: African Studies Association, 1971)
(4) Nancy J. Hafkin and Edna G. Bay, Women in Africa: Studies in Social and Economic Change (Stanford, California: Stanford University Press, 1976).
(5) Nina Emma Mba, Nigerian Women Mobilized: Women's Political Activity in Southern Nigeria, 1900-1965 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1982);
SOURCE  from  Mazi NwankamaNwankama ........facebook wall

Wednesday, 23 February 2011

LIBIA ........“la caccia al nero”


Bengasi (Credits: AP Photo/Alaguri)

Gli Africani in Libia. Il fattore X dell’emergenza

Bengasi (Credits: AP Photo/Alaguri)
Giampaolo Musumeci
Nella crisi libica c’è un fattore X che potrebbe rivelarsi di estrema importanza nei prossimi giorni. La comunità africana subsahariana che occupa le periferie e i vicoli di Bengasi e Tripoli. I somali, etiopi ed eritrei (ma anche nigeriani e ganesi) che affollano le baracche delle città e che sognano l’Europa (e l’Italia).
Prima della sigla degli accordi tra Tripoli e Roma, dalle coste libiche si partiva in massa per Lampedusa. I trafficanti libici hanno avuto buon gioco fino a quel momento a far “chiudere un occhio” o tutti e due, ai guardiacoste libici per far partire i barconi.
Ora che la crisi libica distoglie le forze di sicurezza (quelle ancora fedeli al regime) dal controllo delle coste, il rischio è che gli smuggler rimettano in moto la macchina del traffico di esseri umani su larga scala.

Sono 8.000 i rifugiati (somali, eritrei, etiopi) registrati dall’Unhcr in Libia. Ma la popolazione subsahariana nel Paese maghrebino è molto molto superiore. Si parla, ma sono stime, di centinaia di migliaia, forse un milione e mezzo. Manovali, spesso irregolari, piccoli commercianti, che potrebbero tentare la via dell’Europa. Che ruolo giocheranno nella rivolta?
E poi ci sono le prigioni di Gandufa, Misratah, affollate di subsahariani entrati in Libia clandestinamente. Ora che il dispositivo di sicurezza si sta sgretolando, che fine faranno? Le porte delle prigioni e dei container nel deserto si apriranno?
Intanto, dopo giorni di rumors pare che “la caccia al nero” sia partita: dato che il Colonnello Gheddafi si è affidato a mercenari ciadiani e sudanesi, in alcuni casi bloccati e linciati dagli insorti, il rischio è la facile e tragica equivalenza: nero=nemico. E allora, per tanti, potrebbe essere “Europa a tutti i costi”.
Partendo dalle spiagge di Bengasi, quali le rotte possibili verso l’Europa? Lampedusa, meta tradizionale, ma anche la Sicilia, località: Punta Braccetto e Marina di Ragusa, e Pozzallo dove già si dirigono in massa gli egiziani (dai 3 ai 4 giorni circa il viaggio). E poi, il Salento e le spiagge di Crotone in Calabria. E infine, la Sardegna, soprattutto il sud dell’isola.

Altra rotta, poi, più a est, verso le sempre poco controllate isole greche. Troppi arcipelaghi, troppe isole e troppo pochi i guardiacoste greci. Creta è l’isola più vicina alla Libia.
 fonte
http://blog.panorama.it/mondo/2011/02/23/gli-africani-in-libia-il-fattore-x-dellemergenza/

Thursday, 10 February 2011

EASTWOOD EDO IHAZA ASSOLTO DAL GIUDICE DI PACE PER NON AVERCELO MANDATO ..


EASTWOOD EDO IHAZA ASSOLTO DAL GIUDICE DI PACE PER NON AVERCELO MANDATO ...
Scritto da Redazione   

Il presidente di Ari Onlus Eastwood Edo Ihaza era stato rinviato a giudizio nel giugno dello scorso anno, dopo 4 anni dall’inizio delle indagini condotte dalla PM Lucia De Santis basandosi solo sulle dichiarazioni del sig. Buzoli e dell' ex-coordinatore provinciale di Cittadinanzattiva Rieti Abbas Dehghan.
A Eastwood, sulla base di quanto dichiarato dal sig. Buzoli, si contestava di essersi rivolto allo stesso Buzoli con l’espressione “che caz... stai a fare qui, fai il giro ed entra dall’altra entrata principale di via Terenzio Varrone” e “vaff......., vai a fare il giro” e di avergli dato una spinta per farlo uscire.  Lunedi 7 febbraio 2011 il Giudice di pace ha assolto Eastwood Edo Ihaza.

fonte

Friday, 2 October 2009

Libya halts execution of Nigerians on death row

Libya halts execution of Nigerians on death row

By Davidson Iriekpen, 10.01.2009 
Thursday, October 1, 2009

Temporary relief has come the way of Nigerians on death row in Libya as the country's authorities have agreed to stop their execution. The suspension was made  pending the final determination of a case brought by Socio-Economic Rights and Accountability Project (SERAP), a non-governmental organisation (NGO), before the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights, in Banjul, The Gambia.
THISDAY gathered the decision by Libya followed a Provisional Measure issued by the African Commission which ordered the country to halt the execution.
The North African country's adherence to the measure was made known in a paper titled Debating the Death Penalty: Experiences from Different Regions, dated September 25, 2009 and presented by a member of the African Commission, Ms Catherine Modupe Atoki, at the International Peace Institute in New York last week.
“Early September this year, a communication was filed with the African Commission against Libya by a Nigerian Non-Governmental Organi-zation, Socio-Economic Rights and Accountability Project (SERAP). It alleged that over 200 Nigerians are on death row for offences ranging from immigration, murder, drug and armed robbery. 

"The Commission requested from the President of Libya a provisional measure to stay execution pending the determination of the communication. Happily, the President obliged and for now there is a hold on the execution of the convicted persons," said Atoki who delivered the paper.
It was gathered that one of the prisoners, Miss Juliet Okoro, reportedly claimed that the accusation of murder for which she has been placed on death row since 2000 was forged. Her indictment, she further claimed, followed no legal representation.
However, Okoro confirmed that the Libyan President, Muammar Gaddafi had granted amnesty to the convicts who are waiting for the Nigerian embassy in Libya to sign some documents for their deportation.
SERAP’s lawyer, Mr Femi Falana, welcomed the news of suspension but challenged the Nigerian government to be more responsive to its citizens abroad.

“It is now time for the Nigerian government to show responsibility by immediately ensuring the safety and well-being of the Nigerians on death row in Libya, and facilitating their safe return back home. The continuing silence and inaction of the Nigerian government on this matter is a failure of leadership and simply unacceptable,” Falana said. 

The feisty lawyer asked President Umaru Musa Yar'Adua to rise up to the occasion in defending the rights of Nigerians across the world. According to him, the Libya case is proof that the rights of Nigerians outside the country could be protected when and if their government takes action.
It is important for the government do discharge its "Constitutional and International responsibility," towards Nigerians he added. Falana commended the Chairman of the House Committee on Diaspora, Hon. Abike Dabiri-Erewa, and SERAP for fighting for the rights of the condemned persons.
SERAP had through its solicitor, Falana, filed a case before the African Commission on September 6 2009, on behalf of the prisoners.
He alleged "serious, persistent and irreparable violations of the Complainants’ rights to life; to communicate with their embassy or consular post; to competent and effective legal representation; to trial within a reasonable time or to a release; to trial by a competent, independent and impartial tribunal established by law; to the presumption of innocence; to an interpreter and to translation; to appeal to an independent and impartial tribunal, and fair trial guarantees during appeals.”
The Commission in the Provisional Measures with reference number ACHPR/ PROVM/LIB/01/75, dated September  9, 2009, and signed by Acting Chairperson of the Commission, Bahame Tom Mukirya NYANDUGA, expressed concern about Nigerians on death row and those held under "inhuman and degrading treatment," in Libya.
The Provisional Measures reads in part: “The Complaint has been registered as a Communication against Libya. I would also like to inform you that the Communication shall be tabled before the African Commission, for seizure during its next Ordinary Session, which is scheduled to take place from 11-25 November 2009, and will subsequently be sent to the authorities.” 

The Commission also said: “In accordance with Rule 111(3) of the Rules of Procedure of the African Commission, I urge you to intervene in the matter with the view of preventing irreparable damage being caused to the victims while the African Commission inquires about the veracity of the Complaint. The appeal is particularly pertinent in respect of the imprisoned Nigerians, whom the Complainant alleges that they await the death penalty.” 

The African Commission is the body charged with overseeing compliance with legal obligations under the African Charter on Human and People’s Rights.
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